BRENNA MATENDERE
PRESIDENT Emmerson Mnangagwa is creating confusion with his political doublespeak after he declared that he will retire at the end of his two constitutionally permitted terms in 2028 at a time when he has personally presided over the 2030 slogans exhorting him to extend his stay at State House.
Mnangagwa’s Zanu PF loyalists are running a divisive campaign spurring the 81-year old leader to stay beyond his two constitutional terms and hang on until 2030 outside an election.
The loyalists are railroading Zanu PF structures into running an “ED2030” campaign.
The “ED2030” campaign started in earnest in Masvingo before spreading to other provinces.
With the “ED2030” campaign reaching a crescendo, Mnangagwa took the country by surprise when he declared at a function in Mutare this week, that he will abide by the country’s constitution which allows only two five-year terms.
“Our (Zanu PF) constitution says that after every five years we go to congress, we held our congress about five years ago. Every five years we go to congress, right,” Mnangagwa said, adding:
“We went to the congress there to elect our president. Our president must serve two terms of five years each. I did the first five years and then we went to the congress and you selected me again, so I am now in my last five years.”
Likening himself to the great ancient Shona ruler known as Munhumutapa, Mnangagwa said the next leader of Zanu PF will follow in his footsteps.
“After five years I will go to rest, then we will go to the congress and look for someone to lead following my footsteps. My days of rest are near. I will go to rest and we will go to the congress and find someone who will follow my footsteps of Munhumutapa,” he said.
However, throughout this year, Mnangagwa’s plot to rule until 2030 has been thickening amid a witchhunt to flush out senior Zanu PF officials and ministers opposed to the ambition.
Mnangagwa has publicly tested Zanu PF officials and ministers at rallies to gauge their commitment to the “ED 2030” ambition.
At public gatherings, Zanu PF officials and ministers have enthusiastically pledged loyalty by chanting party slogans which included “ED 2030” as they sought to pass the appeasement assessment.
One notable official who has resisted chanting the “ED2030” slogan is Vice-President Constantino Chiwenga, who is widely believed to harbour presidential ambitions.
The witch-hunt plot came to light during the commissioning of 17 schools constructed by the government in partnership with the OPEC Fund for International Development (OFID) at Makumimavi Primary School in Chikomba West.
Before introducing Primary Education minister Torerai Moyo, Mnangagwa announced that going forward he would be testing ministers to see if they were capable of chanting Zanu PF slogans. Moyo obliged and chanted the “ED 2030” slogan followed by his deputy Angeline Gata, much to Mnangagwa’s amusement. “Her [Gata] days [in government] have been added,” an excited Mnangagwa remarked after Gata had zealously chanted the “ED 2030” slogan.
However, Chiwenga resisted the slogan “2030 VaMnangagwa vanenge vachipo” (2030 President Mnangagwa will still be ruling).
Just like he did with ministers, Mnangagwa invited Chiwenga to the podium to chant a slogan soon after introducing him to the gathering.
Chiwenga has not chanted the mantra and his allies say he will not do that because he is firmly opposed to Mnangagwa extending his rule beyond the end of his second term in 2028.
In chanting the slogan, Chiwenga said: “Forward with Zanu PF, forward with President Mnangagwa, forward with unity, forward with the vision of the party, down with the enemy.”
Before him, Mnangagwa allies such as Zanu PF deputy youth secretary and deputy Environment minister John Paradza had unequivocally chanted the “2030 VaMnangagwa vanenge vachipo” (2030 Mnangagwa will still be in office).
President Emmerson Mnangagwa Interestingly, Mnangagwa, in response, for the first time during that occasion, raised his fist to acknowledge the slogan encouraging him to stay put until 2030.
He never rebuked those who chanted the slogan.
Before his latest disclosure in Mutare, it was being suggested that there were manoeuvres to amend the law to de-harmonise elections and push the presidential poll to 2030, but have parliamentary elections when due in 2028, or alternatively postpone general elections altogether to 2030.
There were suggestions that Mnangagwa had abandoned the idea of a third term after experiencing fierce internal resistance mounted by Chiwenga and his military-backed Zanu PF faction.
In terms of the constitution, extending a presidential term limit would require amending section 91, which disqualifies a person “for election as President or appointment as Vice-President if he or she has already held office as President for two terms, whether continuous or not, and for the purpose of this subsection three or more years’ service is deemed to be a full term”.
However, section 328 (7) bars an incumbent from benefiting from such a constitutional change.
It says: “Notwithstanding any other provision of this section, an amendment to a term-limit provision the effect of which is to extend the length of time that a person may hold or occupy any public office, does not apply in relation to any person who held or occupied that office, or an equivalent office, at any time before the amendment.”
This means such a change can only benefit future presidents.
Section 158 of the constitution of Zimbabwe says a general election (harmonised election) must be held so that polling takes place not more than 30 days before the expiry of the five-year period of Parliament which runs from the date on which the president-elect is sworn in and assumes office.
For instance, Mnangagwa was sworn in on 26 August 2018. The 30-day period before the expiry of the presidential term ran from 27 July to 26 August 2023, which was why elections were held on 23/24 August 2023. After that, Mnangagwa was sworn in on 4 September 2023.
The next elections are due from 5 July 2028 to 4 August 2028. Section 143 of the constitution deals with three circumstances how parliament is dissolved: By twothirds of the National Assembly and Senate sitting and voting separately (self-propelled dissolution); by the President’s intervention if it refuses to pass an Appropriation Bill without good reason or by operation of the law, when its term automatically expires.
Zanu PF insiders say the de-harmonisation of the elections process would offer Mnangagwa a better chance to extend his rule without going through elections compared to a third term.
That is more appealing to him than the third term political nightmare, sources say.
Mnangagwa recently said he does not want a third term. Previously, he told ZTN Prime before last year’s elections: “I am going for my second term . . . this is my last term.”
That was before his recent public climbdown under military pressure. Chiwenga is anxiously waiting to take over from Mnangagwa who is now serving his second term after reneging on their 2017 coup deal to run only one term and go.
Mnangagwa should have served from 2018 to 2023, leaving Chiwenga to come in if elected in a presidential poll.
However, soon after the coup internal contradictions emerged and the whole plan began to unravel.
The following year — 2018 after the elections sanitising the coup — Chiwenga and his allies were shocked at the Zanu PF annual conference at Esigodini to witness a political spectacle.
“Mnangagwa for 2023” slogans were being chanted – taking them by complete surprise. Mnangagwa, who initially wanted an inclusive arrangement after the coup, which is why he sent an emissary to the late political bigwig Dumiso Dabengwa to join his government, tried to leave Chiwenga out of the state power structure or the presidency by appointing Kembo Mohadi and Oppah Muchinguri-Kashiri as his two deputies.
Muchinguri-Kashiri was informed of her appointment privately and she was in the process of arranging a celebration party when Chiwenga grabbed the position for himself.
At the same time, Chiwenga seized some critical ministries from Mohadi.
After the coup, on 30 November 2017, Mohadi was appointed minister of Defence, Security and War Veterans by Mnangagwa.
He was named vice-president of Zanu PF on 23 December 2017 before being sworn in as co-Vice-President of Zimbabwe on 28 December 2017.
However, after that Mnangagwa was forced to make sudden changes. Mohadi was removed and put in charge of the National Peace and Reconciliation portfolio, while Chiwenga took over Defence and War Veterans, the powerful security portfolios.
Then acting Chief Secretary to the President and Cabinet Justin Mupamhanga announced:
“In terms of Section 99 of the Constitution, the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe may assign functions to Vice-Presidents to assist him or her in the discharge of his or her functions and perform any other functions, including the administration of any Ministry or Department or Act of Parliament.
“Accordingly, His Excellency the President, Cde E.D. Mnangagwa, has duly assigned Honourable Vice-President General (Rtd) Dr Constantino Guveya Dominic Nyikadzino Chiwenga to administer the Ministry of Defence and War Veterans Affairs. Honourable Vice-President Kembo Campbell Dugishi Mohadi will administer the National Peace and Reconciliation portfolio.”
