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In China they hang looters

Harare never wastes an opportunity to emphasise that China is Zimbabwe’s much-cherished “all-weather friend” and its most valuable ally on the international stage.

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PRESIDENT Emmerson Mnangagwa’s recent state visit to China, which coincided with the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (Focac) summit, was important in several ways—but it also highlighted Zimbabwe’s epic failure to draw lessons from the global economic giant.

President Mnangagwa announced on social media: “I have arrived in Shenzhen, China, for a state visit that underscores the deep and enduring relationship between Zimbabwe and China. Our nations share a history rooted in mutual respect and cooperation, dating back to the our days of our liberation struggle. This visit will not only reinforce our bilateral ties but also pave the way for new avenues of collaboration.”

Harare never wastes an opportunity to emphasise that China is Zimbabwe’s much-cherished “all-weather friend” and its most valuable ally on the international stage.

But this hollow rhetoric is unconvincing. If China is indeed Zimbabwe’s greatest friend as repeatedly claimed, why has the Zanu PF government failed to emulate Beijing on matters of governance, economic development and anti-corruption?

In China, thieving officials are sentenced to death; in Zimbabwe, they are rewarded with higher office.

China’s centralised and authoritarian governance model has allowed for swift decision-making and implementation of policies.

In contrast, Zimbabwe has been ruined by corruption-induced poverty, political instability and challenges related to bad governance.

Authoritarian rule in this country is a tool for fattening the wallets of political elites and their cronies.

These factors hinder consistent policy implementation and development. China has experienced significant reforms and opening-up policies that led to the establishment of a manufacturing-based economy.

Zimbabwe, on the other hand, has been de-industrialising for decades now.

Many African countries — including Zimbabwe — continue to rely heavily on raw material exports and have less diversified economies that can respond to shifts in the global marketplace.

Although corruption exists in China, the government has enacted strict anti-corruption campaigns and built strong institutions to combat it.

In Zimbabwe, corruption remains a critical issue, hampering governance and economic development.

Weak institutional capacity is impending effective governance and the implementation of anti-corruption measures.

By and large, the current crop of African leaders does not inspire confidence at the level of economic strategy.

They cannot stand toeto-toe with a technocratic leader like Xi Jinping.

They are too corrupt, incompetent and unsophisticated. Look at the debt crisis.

Zimbabwe has accumulated significant debt to Chinese lenders, which could eventually lead to a dependency that limits the government’s ability to make independent economic decisions.

Debt is not inherently bad; when used for production or critical infrastructure development it can be useful, but when channelled into thoughtless consumption it becomes wasteful.

In a win-win arrangement, Zimbabwe’s leaders would ensure that foreign-owned mining companies — including Chinese ones — do not deplete natural resources without sufficient benefits flowing back to the local economy.

Local communities deserve real economic empowerment, not naked exploitation. After all, the unsustainable exploitation of resources leads to long-term environmental degradation that adversely impacts local communities.

Zimbabwe’s relationships with other countries — be they in the West or East — must be mutually beneficial and a source of necessary investment.

Such economic relations should not disproportionately favour other countries’ interests at the expense of Zimbabwe’s long-term development and welfare.

It takes genuine leaders to uphold this vision.

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